| Titlu: | Feature metathesis and the change of PIE *du̯ to Classical Armenian -rk- |
| Autor: | Jessica DeLisi |
| Publicația: | Diachronica, 30 (4), p. 469-491 |
| p-ISSN: | 0176-4225 |
| e-ISSN: | 1569-9714 |
| Editura: | John Benjamins Publishing Company |
| Locul: | Amsterdam |
| Anul: | 2013 |
| Rezumat: | This paper reexamines the correspondence of Classical Armenian -rk- with Proto-Indo-European *du̯ and attempts to explain the change in a phonologically plausible way without recourse to illicit clusters or ad hoc rules not otherwise operational in the language. Instead, the change of *du̯ to -rk- is analyzed in Optimality framework as an instantiation of the Armenian sonority-based metathesis. Instead of the expected segment metathesis, however, I argue that this cluster underwent metathesis only of the feature [±continuant]. The need for feature metathesis rather than segment metathesis for this sequence was motivated by a TETU effect (The Emergence of The Unmarked) due to the markedness of the segment [w] in Classical Armenian. The markedness of [w] in Classical Armenian is supported by the later glide fortition seen in forms such as gini “wine”, from PIE *u̯oinii̯o-. |
| Cuvinte-cheie: | syllable contact law; feature metathesis; Optimality Theory; diachronic phonology; syllable structure; Classical Armenian; TETU |
| Limba: | engleză |
| DOI: | 10.1075/dia.30.4.02lis |
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