“Diacronia” bibliometric database (BDD)

Parametrul poziţiei centrului şi efectele sale pragmatice în trecerea de la latină la limbile romanice

Publication: Limba română: diacronie și sincronie în studiul limbii române, I, p. 11
Editors:Rodica Zafiu, Adina Dragomirescu, Alexandru Nicolae
Publisher:Editura Universității din București
Abstract:Discontinuous structures produced by pragmatically-induced edge-fronting (traditionally termed hyperbaton) represent one of the most distinctive features of Latin with regard to Romance. Here I develop an account which derives the relevant distinction and decline of edge-fronting from changes in the head parameter and its implications for the application or otherwise of antilocality in constraining movement. In particular, I argue that antilocality is not a blanket constraint on all instances of local movement, but should be parametrized across languages. This is already independently forced upon us by the analysis of grammatically free word order in Latin, where head-finality is interpreted as the output of a roll-up operation that raises the complement to the specifier to the left of its selecting head (cf. Ledgeway 2012: ch. 5). Antilocality, however, predicts that roll-up should be excluded as a movement which is a priori too local / short. The suspension of antilocality therefore appears to constitute a sine qua non for languages like Latin which exhibit head-final orders derived through roll-up movement, whereas in Romance the head parameter is consistently aligned with the head-initial setting such that roll-up, and hence antilocal movement, never arises in the grammars of these varieties. We thus naturally derive from the different settings of the head parameter a concomitant parametrization in the role of antilocality in constraining movement in the two languages ultimately to be understood in terms of economy and markedness. In short, we predict that the application or otherwise of antilocality is parasitic on the head-initial vs head-final parametric distinction: once its potential effects are quashed by the positive evidence of head-finality required to motivate roll-up, it fails to apply across the board licensing other short / local movements such as edge-fronting in apparent violation of the Left Branch Condition. Put succinctly, the loss of edge-fronting in the passage from Latin to Romance turns out simply to be a side-effect of the gradual reversal in the head parameter, whose ultimate head-initial setting signals the loss of roll-up and, with it, the concomitant loss of all local movements in accordance with the predictions of antilocality.
Language: Romanian

Citations to this publication: 7

References in this publication: 3

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